Lesotho’s SADC nomination comes with responsibility

LESOTHO’s election as incoming chair of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Organ on Politics, Defence and Security Cooperation is a remarkable diplomatic achievement for a country that spent more than a decade under regional scrutiny for political instability, military interference and security-sector failures.

It is a vote of confidence that Basotho should welcome. But it must also be treated as a responsibility that demands continued reform, accountability and peace at home.

Prime Minister Sam Matekane’s election to the position, following an extraordinary summit of SADC heads of state and government, marks a significant turnaround in Lesotho’s regional standing. Having been removed from the Organ’s agenda in August 2025 after years of observation, the country is now entrusted with helping address political and security challenges across Southern Africa.

The contrast is striking. Lesotho was placed under the Organ’s agenda in 2014 following an attempted military coup, and its political troubles deepened with the 2015 assassination of former army commander Lieutenant General Maaparankoe Mahao. The killing of Lieutenant General Khoantle Motšomotšo by fellow soldiers in 2017 further entrenched the country’s reputation for instability, prompting the deployment of the SADC Preventive Mission in Lesotho.

For years, the Mountain Kingdom was a recurring test of SADC’s commitment to democratic governance, civilian authority and regional security. Its elevation to a leadership role therefore represents more than a diplomatic victory. It suggests that the region believes Lesotho has made sufficient progress to contribute meaningfully to the search for solutions elsewhere.

Foreign Affairs and International Relations Minister, Limpho Tau, is right to describe the appointment as an honour for all Basotho, irrespective of political affiliation. This is not a victory for the ruling Revolution for Prosperity party alone, nor should it be presented as a personal triumph for Prime Minister Sam Matekane. It belongs to the nation.

However, national pride must not become an excuse for complacency or political grandstanding. A vote of confidence is not a declaration that every problem has been solved. It recognises progress while creating an obligation to protect and consolidate it.

Lesotho’s constitutional and institutional reforms, recommended by SADC over many years, have been painfully slow. The passage of the Tenth Amendment to the Constitution in 2025 was an important step towards addressing longstanding governance weaknesses, but the broader reform process remains unfinished. The country cannot credibly champion institutional reform and democratic stability in the region while leaving critical questions about its own governance arrangements unresolved.

The lesson is clear: reforms must move beyond legislation and political promises to become a lived reality. Institutions must be independent, security agencies must operate within the law, and constitutional disputes must be resolved through legitimate processes. Stability cannot depend solely on agreements among political leaders or the absence of a major crisis. It must rest on institutions capable of managing disagreements without violence, intimidation or unconstitutional intervention.

The government must also resist the temptation to interpret Lesotho’s new standing as proof that all domestic security concerns have been settled. Although the authorities banned famo groups in May 2024 and have taken measures against associated violence, reports of gun violence indicate that the problem has not disappeared. Ordinary citizens must be able to live and work without fear. A country’s security credentials are measured not only by the conduct of its police and military but also by the safety experienced in its communities.

This is particularly important because Lesotho’s new responsibilities will extend beyond its borders. The Organ plays a crucial role in promoting peace, mediation, conflict resolution and security cooperation among SADC’s 16 member states. The Democratic Republic of Congo continues to face fighting and humanitarian suffering, while Madagascar’s political situation remains a concern. These challenges require patient diplomacy, principled engagement and a willingness to support inclusive solutions rather than impose superficial settlements.

Lesotho should approach these responsibilities with humility. Its experience of political turmoil could prove valuable in understanding the difficulties confronting other countries. But that experience will count for little unless it has produced lasting lessons about dialogue, constitutionalism and the dangers of allowing political disputes to undermine national institutions.

The country’s contribution to regional security, including the deployment of Lesotho Defence Force troops to Mozambique under the SADC mission, also deserves recognition. Three Basotho soldiers died during that mission, which wound down in 2024. Their sacrifice is a reminder that regional peacekeeping carries real human costs and that the pursuit of stability demands commitment beyond diplomatic statements.

There are practical benefits to the appointment as well. Lesotho is expected to assume the chairmanship in 2027/28 and serve as outgoing chair in 2028/29, giving it three consecutive years in the Organ Troika. Hosting meetings could support the hospitality sector, while SADC training programmes could strengthen the expertise of public servants in politics, defence and security.

These opportunities must be managed strategically. The government should prepare competent teams, strengthen diplomatic capacity and ensure that the country derives lasting institutional benefits from the experience. The value of the appointment cannot be measured simply by the number of meetings hosted or the prestige attached to the prime minister’s title. It must be judged by the quality of Lesotho’s contribution to regional peace and the capacity it builds at home.

Ultimately, the greatest test of this appointment lies within Lesotho itself. The country cannot sustainably help others resolve political problems if it allows its own reform agenda to stagnate or domestic security challenges to deteriorate.

Basotho have every reason to celebrate this moment. But celebration must be accompanied by vigilance and a collective determination to preserve the progress that made the appointment possible. The government must complete the reform process, uphold constitutional principles and ensure that security institutions serve the public interest.

Lesotho has been given an opportunity to exchange its old reputation as a regional trouble spot for that of a credible peacebuilder. That transformation will not be secured by the appointment alone. It will be earned through consistent leadership, functioning institutions and the everyday safety and dignity of its people.