Mohloai Mpesi
GOVERNANCE experts have raised the alarm over the growing erosion of accountability and good governance under the current Revolution for Prosperity (RFP)-led coalition government.
Their concerns follow a series of recent developments that, according to observers, expose a disturbing pattern of political interference, abuse of power, and lack of commitment to fighting corruption within Prime Minister Sam Matekane’s administration.
The recent dismissal of Revenue Services Lesotho (RSL) Commissioner-General, Advocate ‘Mathabo Mokoko, has particularly sparked public outrage, with critics decrying what they see as persecution of public officials who uphold accountability.
Adding to this is the government’s decision not to renew the contract of Accountant-General, ‘Malehlohonolo Mahase, despite her reported sterling performance.
Further fuelling concerns, the Government Asset Search and Recovery Task Team (GASRTT), led by Advocate Seeng Matsosa and Mr Moepana Kopo, was dissolved without a sound explanation after it began uncovering serious irregularities in the management of government assets.
Compounding the situation, the Minister of Finance and Development Planning, Dr Retšelisitsoe Matlanyane, has yet to table the Auditor-General’s report for the financial year ending March 2023 — six months after receiving it on 9 May 2025 — despite the law requiring its tabling within seven days.
These developments, experts warn, illustrate a worrying decline in accountability, transparency, and respect for institutional independence.
Undermining state institutions’ autonomy
Political science lecturer at the National University of Lesotho (NUL), Dr Moeketsi Kali, said the government has shown increasing signs of interfering with state institutions, undermining their independence.
According to Dr Kali, the dismissal of the RSL Commissioner-General is only one example of this trend.
“Let’s look at the background leading to the RSL Commissioner-General’s dismissal,” he explained. “We remember that she had complained about interference from the Minister of Finance, who allegedly issued unlawful directives demanding disclosure of confidential taxpayer information, including identities of refund claimants. This information is privileged — even the minister cannot access it.”
He said this clearly demonstrated the executive’s interference and an attempt to undermine the RSL’s autonomy.
“The case of the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) is similar,” he continued. “She claimed that she was instructed to interfere with high-profile cases, including that of former Deputy Prime Minister Mothetjoa Metsing, in which the RFP reportedly had an interest.
“Although some may question the merits of those claims, they still reveal an intention to compromise the independence of the DPP. It shows that government is bent on meddling with the autonomy of key institutions.”
Dr Kali said the same pattern was evident in the dissolution of the GASRTT, which, according to him, had begun to uncover questionable dealings involving individuals close to power.
“The government knew from the beginning that the task team was not legally constituted,” he said. “But when it started investigating properties linked to the Matekane Group of Companies (MGC) and Deputy Prime Minister Nthomeng Majara, that’s when it was abruptly disbanded.
“They ignored opposition warnings about the team’s legality at the start, but once the probes threatened high-profile figures, interference followed swiftly. This shows a deliberate effort to protect political interests.”
He further noted that although the government may have the prerogative not to renew the Accountant-General’s contract, the decision still raises questions about the executive’s commitment to accountability.
“Even if we give them the benefit of the doubt, where are the signs that the government is genuinely fighting corruption or strengthening accountability?” he asked rhetorically.
State capture and swirling corruption
Dr Kali went further to suggest that Lesotho could be drifting towards state capture, where powerful individuals within government control public institutions for personal or political gain.
He cited allegations involving the Minister of Local Government, Chieftainship, Home Affairs and Police, Lebona Lephema, who has purportedly acquired interests in a mining firm.
He also cited claims that the Minister of Trade unlawfully directed the Lesotho National Development Corporation (LNDC) to issue loans to certain companies without following due process.
“We have seen these cases and others involving ministers accused of corruption or poor performance, such as Mr Moteane and Mr Phapano, yet Prime Minister Matekane has taken no clear action against them,” Dr Kali said.
“It appears the government is not only participating in corruption but also protecting it. Look at the fertiliser scandal — it shows how corruption is being shielded. Instead of reshuffling his Cabinet, the Prime Minister seems more interested in fighting Members of Parliament,” he added.
He warned that failure to act against corruption has set a dangerous precedent.
“There is now a general decline of accountability and the rise of maladministration. This government has paved the way for corruption to flourish under future regimes. The consequences of not holding ministers accountable have opened a Pandora’s box and created a bad trend for Lesotho’s governance,” he said.
Abuse of power and weak oversight
Another NUL political science lecturer, Dr Tlohang Letsie, described the failure to table the Auditor-General’s report as a clear abuse of power.
“The law is specific about how long it should take to table that report. Ignoring this requirement is abuse of power, possibly driven by ignorance or deliberate negligence,” he said.
Dr Letsie also criticised the government’s decision to dissolve the GASRTT without first establishing a proper legal framework to guide its operations.
“If indeed the task team was operating outside the law, the right approach would have been to correct the anomaly and pass a law to formalise it, not to simply dissolve it,” he said. “By failing to act, the government gives the impression that it is running away from something.”
He warned that failure to deter corruption would have devastating consequences for the country.
“The legislature has failed in its oversight duty. While the executive appears out of control, Parliament, which should provide checks and balances, is silent,” he said.
“When the executive dominates the legislature and the judiciary, accountability collapses. In the end, corruption becomes institutionalised, and the nation suffers the consequences,” he warned.
Politics of financial identity and dictatorship
For his part, Dr Mahlakeng Khosi Mahlakeng, also a political science lecturer at NUL, said Lesotho is experiencing a dangerous shift towards politics of financial identity, where wealth has become the main determinant of leadership and political legitimacy.
“We are faced with a big problem of accountability. In the past, political identity was shaped by party ideology or individual leadership. Now, financial muscle determines who leads and who is removed, even if those decisions have no legal or moral justification.”
He said Lesotho’s democracy is being undermined by this new form of political culture.
“Financial status now determines what is right and wrong, who should stay and who should go — without citizens’ consent or legal basis. That is very problematic for democratic governance,” he explained.
Dr Mahlakeng argued that when accountability is eroded in this way, corruption and dictatorship inevitably follow.
“In a democracy, allegations of corruption must be supported by evidence, and that evidence must be made public through commissions of inquiry,” he said. “Transparency and prosecution are the cornerstones of accountability. How many people have been removed from their positions based on allegations that were never investigated or prosecuted?”
Monopoly and institutional capture
Dr Mahlakeng further warned that allowing ministers to buy or invest in certain sectors, such as mines or key firms, risks creating a monopoly of capital — one that will eventually define Lesotho’s political culture.
“There are three things happening that will soon become part of our politics: monopoly of capital, abuse of power, and corruption,” he said. “When ministers are allowed to purchase companies or mines, that is not politically or morally right. It concentrates wealth and influence in the hands of a few.”
He added that monopoly of capital breeds corruption and excludes the majority from economic benefits.
“There is also a growing capture of state institutions, where ministers issue directives to boards and executives. We saw it at the Lesotho Electricity Company (LEC), and now at RSL. These are clear signs of institutional capture,” he said.
“Once people can be verbally accused and removed without evidence, that is no longer democracy — it is dictatorship. Dictatorial leaders thrive on power and suppress accountability,” Dr Mahlakeng warned.
He also criticised Parliament’s silence, noting that even opposition parties have failed to hold the government accountable.
“It is unfortunate that Parliament has become passive. Oversight only happens when politics becomes personal or when individuals want to settle scores. That is not how democracy functions,” he said.
Adverse global image
A local economist, Majakathata Mokuena, zeroed in on the impact of misgovernance on Lesotho’s creditworthiness.
He told the Lesotho Times yesterday that signs of misgovernance currently being displayed by the government were likely to spoil the country’s image in the eyes of international investors.
Global lenders such as the World Bank (WB) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF), he said, would ultimately be reluctant to commit money to Lesotho.
“A number of events are eroding the confidence that was already built on sound governance. For instance, the establishment of the DCEO (the Directorate on Corruption and Economic Offences) had improved Lesotho’s global rating because it showed commitment to deal with issues of governance.
“It becomes a problem when citizens begin to doubt the same institutions because that benefit they had before in terms of global consideration gets eroded.
“Leaders should ask themselves the question: What consequences are we going to have as a result of these issues?” he said.
“I don’t understand why people could be so careless in handling the matters of state in a way that would jeopardise the country’s standing internationally with donors and financiers. The world is watching.”
He asserted that the government has overshot its budget by a whooping M3.4 billion, hence Dr Matlanyane’s reluctance to table the auditor-general’s report for the financial year ended March 2023.
“The issue of tax is not only about tax per se but also about the government’s excessive spending to the tune of M3.4 billion. Apparently, it is the reason why the Minister of Finance and Development and Planning is reluctant to release the audit report. Remember, the audit report is pending and overdue.
“. . . you know, it’s not like we overspent by M15 million or something small like that. There is M3.4 billion; that’s a huge amount of money.”
Lesotho’s national budget for the 2025/26 fiscal year is M24.14 billion.
He continued, “The consequences of this is that if Lesotho is being loaned money and mismanages it, nobody is going to want to manage money for Lesotho because it is too risky.
“You know what happens when people consider you to be too risky; in places where they lend money, they increase the interest rate, so the borrowing cost for Lesotho will increase.”
“I think it is important that these issues should be pointed out. These are illegal,” he said.
Turning to the dismissal of Advocate Mokoko from RSL, Mokuena said she is likely to challenge her dismissal and win the case.
“That lady from the RSL, I can guarantee she is going to sue, and when she sues, she cannot lose,” he said.
